New Blogs

1. Atos Victims Group News (Unaligned/Disability Rights) (Twitter)

2. Captain Jack (Greens)

3. Councillor Michael Roche (Labour) (Twitter)

4. Feminist Avenger (Unaligned/feminist) (Twitter)

5. John O’Farrell (Labour) (Twitter)

6. Labour Mag (Labour) (Twitter)

7. Pol Pot’s Hut (Unaligned) (Twitter)

8. Rethinking the Left (SWP Opposition) (Twitter)

9. Roxsie’s Ramblings (Labour) (Twitter)

10. Soviet Goon Boy (Unaligned) (Twitter)

11. The Vagenda (Unaligned/Feminist) (Twitter)

12. Too Tired to Blog (Unaligned)

13. Unison WestMids (Unison) (Twitter)

14. Welfare News Service (Unaligned) (Twitter)

That’s it for February/March. If you know of any new blogs that haven’t featured before then drop me a line via the comments, email or Twitter. Please note I’m looking for blogs that have started within the last 12 months. The new blog round up is posted on the first Sunday of every month, and is also cross-posted to A Very Public Sociologist.

New Blogs

Here are the latest new(ish) left blogs to have crossed the desk this last month. As ever, knock yourself out.

1. Andrew Gwynne MP (Labour) (Twitter)

2. Brighton and Hove Labour Party (Labour) (Twitter)

3. Damian McBride (Labour)

4. Far Left Fashion (Unaligned) (Twitter)

5. Hucknall Labour Candidates 2013 (Labour)

6. International Socialism (SWP Opposition)

7. International Socialist Group (ISG) (Twitter)

8. Intifidaweya (SWP Opposition) (Twitter)

9. Islington Unison (Unison)

10. Left Links (Unaligned) (Twitter)

11. Left Out (Unaligned/Feminist) (Twitter)

12. Loony Lefty (Unaligned/Disabled Rights)

13. Red Rants (SWP Opposition)

14. Saggydaddy Says (Labour) (Twitter)

15. Salman Shaheen (Unaligned) (Twitter)

16. Substanzlose (Unaligned) (Twitter)

17. The Red Plebeian (ISO/United States) (Twitter)

18. Whatever Happened to the ‘New’ Man? (Unaligned) (Twitter)

Yes, I know Far Left Fashion isn’t the most serious of blogs, but who cares? There are far too many po-faces knocking about the left. Well, that’s it for January/February. If you know of any new blogs that haven’t featured before then drop me a line via the comments, email or Twitter. Please note I’m looking for blogs that have started within the last 12 months. The new blog round up is posted on the first Sunday of every month, and is also cross-posted to A Very Public Sociologist.

New Blogs

Time for a rundown of the latest new(ish) blogs to have crossed the desk this last month. As ever, all are firmly on the left and well worth checking out.

1. Anne Fairweather (Labour) (Twitter)
2. Dream Housing (Unaligned) (Twitter)
3. Grumpy Old Trot (Unaligned)
4. HegemonyOrBust (Unaligned)
5. Labour for Democracy (Labour)
6. Laura McInerney (Unaligned/Education) (Twitter)
7. Lipstick Socialist (Unaligned) (Twitter)
8. Next Generation Labour (Labour) (Twitter)
9. Not Such A Wonderful World (Unaligned)
10. sandrassp (SSP)
11. SharonGooner’s Blog (Unaligned) (Twitter)
12. Solidarity Bear (Unaligned)
13. The Political Idealist (Labour) (Twitter)
14. The Rants of Sophia C Botha (Green) (Twitter)
15. This Nightmare Will Pass Away With the Morning (Labour) (Twitter)
16. Unlearning Economics (Unaligned) (Twitter)
17. What You Should Be Angry About (Unaligned) (Twitter)

That’s it for December/January. If you know of any new blogs that haven’t featured before then drop me a line via the comments, email or Twitter. Please note I’m looking for blogs that have started within the last 12 months. The new blog round up is posted on the first Sunday of every month, and is also cross-posted to A Very Public Sociologist.

The Deadly Scandal of Blacklisting

by Nick Cohen from the Observer

Class is everything in Britain. It dictates how the British live and when they die, which children succeed and which fail. Above all else, class imposes silence. Counterfeit controversies obsess the media and politics. When presented with a genuine scandal that cries out for punishment and reform, the talking heads and the professional contrarians say nothing.

Readers would not guess from the “national conversation” that the construction industry is sitting on a story as grave in its implications as the phone-hacking affair – graver I will argue. You are unlikely to have heard mention of it for a simple and disreputable reason: the victims are working-class men rather than celebrities. The parallels between what happened in the news and building businesses are almost exact. As in the media, there was a corporate conspiracy. Sir Robert McAlpine, Balfour Beatty, Carillion, Amec, Skanska, Taylor Woodrow and 34 other construction companies behaved like a secret police force monitoring a subject population. The files of their “Consulting Association” – and what a soothingly bland name they chose – refer to construction companies by a code name.

Anonymous site managers supplied details, often false, of alleged troublemakers in the building trade. Some human resources departments then checked job applicants against the Consulting Association’s records, paying £2 per check for the service, and never told the men they rejected why they had banned them for work. In its pomp, the CA was a busy place. Records suggest McAlpine alone spent £28,000 on checks. By the time the Information Commissioner’s officials seized its database, 3,400 workers were on the blacklist.

As with News International, there are reasonable grounds for suspecting police collusion. The files contain accounts of building workers attending demonstrations against the BNP, which are highly unlikely to have come from construction industry managers. “They read like police reconnaissance reports,” said one investigator for the Information Commissioner, who is also a former police officer. As with News International, there is now a mass legal action. Daniel Boffey, our dogged policy editor, reports in today’s news pages that the first of what may be many claims by blacklisted workers has begun. Eighty-six men are suing Sir Robert McAlpine for £17m in lost earnings. By a neat serendipity, McAlpine not only funded the Tory party but also built the Olympic stadium, so the action doesn’t lack topical resonance. Its lawyers will claim blacklisters’ files contained details of the builders’ political views, attitudes towards health and safety, relationships and friendships, which would make a News of the World hack gasp with envious admiration.

At this point, comparison breaks down. Hacking hurt reputations but it did not threaten lives. Blacklisted workers, by contrast, have shared the anger and amazement of the citizens of dictatorships after a revolution. They have gone through files their employers never meant them to see and marvelled at how malicious minds twisted their past to put them on the dole. Like so many other blacklisted men, Dave Smith, a genuine working-class hero and leader of the campaign against the blacklist, wondered why he could never get work. He would turn up to a site with his friends. The foreman would take on his friends but not him. “By 2000, I couldn’t sleep. I was defaulting on the mortgage and the kids were on milk tokens.” On one occasion, Smith protested after an explosion of compressed air in a tunnel blasted a crater in a school playground. If children had been at school, they would have died. But in the files he found that the spy beside him on the job mentioned only his protests, not the threat to lives.

Construction is a trade where men leave for work in the morning and come back in a coffin at night. Even in 2010-2011, in the middle of a recession and with the construction industry on its knees, 50 died in accidents that might have been preventable. There will be many more coffins when and if growth returns. The construction companies could not be clearer that men who try to enforce minimum safety standards are their enemies. The files included formal letters notifying a company that a worker was the official safety rep on a site as evidence against him.

Construction is a casual industry because companies do not want to employ craftsmen full time: 50% are self-employed and most of the rest are agency workers. Even the British law, so negligent about health and welfare of building workers in many respects, recognises the position of safety reps. The files show that the construction industry sees becoming a rep as grounds for banning workers for life. Even those they label as “not a militant” – and there are many – are on the blacklist because at some point they have spoken about dangers at work.

The blacklisting puts conservative protests about “‘elf and safety” and “political correctness gone mad” in their place. The trouble with political correctness in Britain is that it is not nearly mad enough about cowboy multinationals, which regard the lives of casual labourers as dispensable. Steve Murphy, the general secretary of the builders’ union UCATT, says that business’s influence in politics and the media is having an effect. The coalition has commissioned one Ragnar E Löfstedt, an American academic with a laissez-faire bent, to recommend that self-employed building workers, who pose no threat to others, should be exempt from health and safety rules.

The British Labour movement has inspired few novels. One undisputed classic is The Ragged-Trousered Philanthropists. Robert Tressell’s despairing leftwing hero tries to persuade builders of Mugsborough, a fictionalised Hastings, to embrace socialism. The builders won’t listen. They respect their employers as their “betters”, listen to the advice of religious hypocrites and refuse to fight for their own interests. Tressell’s picture of builders welcoming exploitation is not true now and I am not sure if it was true of Edwardian Hastings. Building workers want and need men who will stand up to employers and protect their safety. Naturally, they do not wish to die.

For almost a decade, construction conglomerates blacklisted those who tried to speak on their behalf. In that same period, scores died and hundreds were maimed. It says much about Britain that the loud voices that boom across our media cannot talk about a scandal that is in front of their eyes.

Carillion’s Victorian Values

by Louise Raw, from the Morning Star

I spend a lot of time writing, and reading, about conditions in Victorian England. These days I hardly need to open a history book to do it – a newspaper will do almost as well.

Now, as then, we have a government doing nothing to prevent the disproportionate impact of recession and cutbacks on the working class.

Rising unemployment, even malnourished children, are regularly documented by the press. And Victorian eugenicists would have been delighted with PM’s recent suggestions on cutting benefits to families with over three children. (Stop them breeding! They’re at it like rabbits, you know.)

Even more 19th century are the scandalous conditions and treatment endured by hospital workers in Swindon, as exposed by the Carillion dispute.

In Victorian England workers – especially migrant men and women escaping starvation and oppression in Ireland – had to literally fight for work.

Dockers would line up every day in their thousands to join the desperate scrabble for a day’s hire, calling out beseechingly to the foreman to try to catch his eye.

In the 21st century, supervisors working for Carillion – a private firm subcontracted to run the facilities contract at Great Western Hospital – saw a better way of doing things, by demanding “considerations” in the form of money, goods and even gold in exchange for annual leave, overtime or shift changes.

Some 145 workers, mainly Asian women of Goan heritage, have been subjected to racial abuse and bullying as well as ongoing extortion by the exclusively white management team.

Although the women are on low incomes, the supervisors’ illegal demands have not even been commensurate with this. One supervisor demanded £1,000 from a woman worker. When she protested, the price dropped to £500.

The threats attached to the financial demands were explicit – one worker was told: “I can sack you – and if you give me gold I will let you keep your job.”

The workers are the backbone of the NHS, working as cleaners, catering workers and ancillary staff at Swindon and Great Western General Hospital.

All too often such vital work is considered low status, but the women are committed and dedicated, taking personal pride in the cleanliness of their wards. This is, of course, a crucial line of defence between patients and potentially fatal infections.

There is evidence that these abuses were reported to Carillion management in 2009, but no action was taken.

The GMB union believes that a culture of institutionalised racism meant that the staff were not believed.

Only after more than 100 staff submitted a grievance in December 2011 did Carillion conduct a token investigation, quickly concluding there was no case to answer.

Only after workers took strike action did a second, slightly more thorough investigation begin.

Carillion now admits that racism, bullying and what it wonderfully terms “inappropriate gift-giving” did in fact take place, but it has, with extreme reluctance, dismissed only one supervisor.

It admits that allegations had been made against this individual before, but states “no compelling evidence” was found. It accepts no responsibility and claims the problem has not been severe.

Workers have therefore been forced to continue to work under other perpetrators of harassment and racial abuse, which was naturally distressing and intimidating – as it was probably intended to be.

Despite this, workers had the courage to give evidence about the corrupt and racist culture at Carillion at grievance hearings.

The firm’s response? To add insult to injury by disciplining them – for offering bribes.

However, like the London matchwomen and dockers in the 1880s who fought back against appalling exploitation, the Carillion workers have shown themselves a force to be reckoned with.

Like their Victorian counterparts they are supposedly powerless in the labour relationship, but their strength lies in their dignity, solidarity and identity.

Dockers and matchmakers were often from Irish families, giving them strong cultural and political networks to draw on, as well as a history of resistance.

The Goan workers have a similar sense of unity. As one shop steward put it, “I am not just doing this for myself, I am doing this to help my community.”

As is often the case, being forced to strike has in itself increased the confidence and empowerment of the workers – the very opposite of what the employers hoped.

GMB organiser Carole Vallelly says: “During the first protests the women understandably felt a bit awkward holding placards and would almost hide behind them.

“By the time we came to protest outside Southmead Hospital [a new Carillion build], they were singing and chanting through the megaphone.”

Vallelly adds: “As we all know, going on strike isn’t easy and there are still the same supervisors in place that have had bullying complaints against them.

“They are making life particularly hard for our members, denying them overtime etc. We have around 60 tribunal claims in at the moment and more in the pipeline.”

The workers have also linked to the Blacklist Support Group, as Carillion has been a major player in the blacklisting scandal – further evidence of its anti-union ethos.

An illegal blacklist was exposed in 2009, when private company the Consulting Association was raided over breaches of the Data Protection Act.

More than 3,000 people were found to be on the list, which had been used to block them from gaining employment.

In some cases workers had been labelled “troublemakers” on the basis of doing no more than asking for health and safety measures or simply joining a trade union.

King’s College London professor of public law Keith Ewing describes the blacklist as “the worst human rights abuse in relation to workers” in Britain in 50 years.

No surprise that Carillion has been an enthusiastic user of the blacklist.

In one three-month period it was found to have spent several thousands of pounds checking 2,776 names against the list.

Carillion also admitted in court in January 2012 that its managers and managers of Carillion subsidiaries had supplied damaging and false information to the blacklist, which would have prevented workers from gaining employment.

But once again the firm tried to wriggle out of accepting responsibility for its actions.

GMB general secretary Paul Kenny says: “Carillon state that the blacklisting practices highlighted occurred many years ago and relate to businesses acquired by Carillon. No doubt they will be as shocked as we were to discover that the Consulting Association was invoicing them directly for searches right up to the date that the Information Commissioners Office raided their offices in 2009.

“These invoices are entirely separate from those provided to companies acquired by Carillon.

“Either Carillon does not have a command of internal finances and pays invoices without understanding who they are paying, which would be astonishing.

“Or they are telling a barefaced lie in order to try and conceal their shameful activities.”

Both the blacklist and the cover-up mentality of Carillion are further evidence of how well organised and co-ordinated those who oppose workers’ rights can be.

This is what we’re up against in the 21st century labour market. And further proof – if it were needed – that the left must be united in standing firm against it.

Louise Raw is the author of Striking A Light: The Bryant & May Matchwomen” (Continuum Press). She is organising a festival to celebrate the 125th anniversary of the matchwomen’s strike at the Bishopsgate Institute on Saturday July 6 2013 (www.matchwomensfestival.com  and www.facebook.com/Matchwomen )
Messages of support for the Carillion workers can be sent c/o Carole Vallelly at carolevallelly@live.co.uk .

Gmb Carillion Strikers Show Solidarity with Threatened Unison Shop Stewards

Around 100 protesters outside Swindon Brough Council offices, GMB mobilised about 30 people from Swindon.

GMB members with placcards saying “Carillion strikers in solidarity with Swindon Borough Council shop Stewards”

UNISON regional manager, Tanya Palmer, speaking to the rally

Andy Parsons of PCS, chair of Swindon Trades Council

Tolpuddle 2012

All pictures by my son, Oscar, aged 12.

 Striking GMB members against bullying by Carillion at Great Western Hospital in Swindon show their support for the blacklist support group:

GMB General Secretary, Paul Kenny, makes clear his support for workers blacklisted by construction companies:

UNITE officers and lay activists demonstrate their support for GMB members on strike against carillion:

GMB members on their 21st day of strike against Carillion at the Great Western Hospital, Swindon; listening to Paul Kenny address the rally.

Labour Party out in force at Tolpuddle:

Listening to Tony Benn:

Gmb Welcomes Rmt Support

GMB WELCOME RMT CALL FOR DISINVESTMENT BY LONDON TRANSPORT PENSION FUND FROM SEMPERIAN AS CARILLION WORKERS AT SWINDON HOSPITAL STRIKE ON 15TH JULY

On the eve of their 21st day of strike action our members at Swindon Hospital will be delighted by this proud action from RMT showing that
solidarity is better than a banker’s bonus says GMB

GMB welcomed the statement today (12th July) from RMT calling for action over Semperian role in the nine months dispute between GMB and Carillion at Swindon Great Western Hospital. 150 GMB members are to take the 21st day of strike action on 15 th July.

This latest day of strike action arises because, instead of dealing with the evidence of shakedowns and corruption by Carillion managers that their own second investigation found, the company has chosen instead to take disciplinary action against 10 of the whistleblowers who were the victims of ‘gold for employment rights’ and racism on the contract.

These workers have already taken 20 days of strike action over the persistent failure of the Carillion management to deal with evidence of
bribery and corruption on the contract which has been covered up for some years.

The senior Carillion HR manager at Swindon Liz Keates was involved in the blacklisting by Carillion of 224 workers across the UK. Carillion used the blacklist register nearly 15,000 times over 4 years. A culture of illegal corporate bullying is endemic, systemic and deep rooted in Carillion demonstrating that the way GMB members were being victimized at Swindon was not out of character with the company culture. See Note to Editors 2 for progress on the dispute at Swindon to 10th July. See note 3 on Semperian PFI role across the UK.

Paul Kenny, GMB General Secretary, said “On the eve of their 21st day of strike action, our members at Swindon Hospital will be delighted by this proud action from RMT. Solidarity is better than a bankers bonus.

The dispute at Swindon Hospital is a simple matter of right and wrong. If Semperian don’t already know about the shameless activities and cover up, happening under their roof for years, then they may be in for a shock.

Carillion, Semperian and their mates seem to think they are safe in their ivory towers and that the world outside their corporate bubble doesn’t care about racial abuse, bullying and extortion.- They are wrong and their arrogant indifference may cost them dear in the future.

By putting Semperian on notice RMT has shown how decent people know the difference between right and wrong and that when it comes to where their
pension is invested, or where public money is being spent, there are standards of behaviour that are not acceptable to working people.

Illegal corporate bullying is endemic, systemic and deep-rooted in Carillion and Semperian would do well to rein Carillion in while they are
still able to do so. Alternatively they might want to consider sending for them to be exorcised at the earliest opportunity.”

Support Grows for Gmb Dispute with Carillion

REPRESENTATIVES OF tube union RMT on the London Transport pension fund have called for disinvestment from Semperian PPP after it emerged that one of their subcontractors on the Great Western Hospital PFI contract in Swindon, Carillion, has been involved in a long-running dispute with sister union GMB over racial abuse, bullying and extortion.

As a result of the issue being raised at the fund’s trustees meeting by RMT Assistant General Secretary Pat Sikorski on Tuesday 10th July, the union has been promised a full investigation into the activities of Semperian and its sub-contractors Carillion at the GWH.

RMT General Secretary Bob Crow said:

“We welcome the development of a full investigation by the London Transport Pension Fund into Semperian and its contractors and the company should be fully aware that if the activities reported to us by the GMB at the Great Western Hospital continue then we will press the case for disinvestment.

“This trade union knows all about the likes of PPP/PFI outfits like Semperian and their sub-contractors Carillion.

“However, when we were approached by our sister union GMB even we were shocked at the catalogue of abusive and bullying behaviour by Carillion that has led to the dispute at the Great Western Hospital involving cleaners, catering workers and other ancillary staff.

“RMT is clear that a company with this kind of track record has no place in the pensions portfolio of our members and that is the point that we have made, and will continue to make, at meetings of the London Transport Pension Fund.”

Further Strike at Carillion Swindon Hospital on July 15th

FURTHER STRIKE AT CARILLION SWINDON HOSPITAL ON JULY 15TH OVER COMPANY VICTIMISING WORKERS WHO IT FOUND SUFFERED RACISM, BULLYING AND SHAKEDOWNS

Carillion have public sector contracts valued at more than £15 billion in the UK but seem to think that it does not need to meet the standards of behaviour that are acceptable to the public to be awarded these contracts

150 GMB members will take part in a further one day stoppage on Sunday 15th July at Carillion at Great Western Hospital in Swindon. This will be the twenty first day of strike action by these workers. This latest day of strike action is because instead of dealing with the evidence of shakedowns and corruption by Carillion managers that their own second investigation found, the company has chosen instead to take disciplinary action against 10 of the whistleblowers who were the victims of ‘gold for employment rights’ and racism on the contract.

These workers have already taken 20 days of strike action over the persistent failure of the Carillion management to deal with evidence of bribery and corruption on the contract which has been covered up for some years.

When these GMB members took the 20th day of strike action on June 11th they visited the GMB Congress in Brighton to hear that the senior Carillion HR manager at Swindon Liz Keates had been involved in the blacklisting by Carillion of 224 workers across the UK. They learned that Carillion had used the blacklist register nearly 15,000 times over 4 years. This  showed that the culture of illegal corporate bullying is endemic, systemic and deep rooted in Carillion demonstrating that the way they were being victimized at Swindon was not out of character with the company culture.

GMB has organised a public meeting in the House of Commons today 10th July 2012 at 6 p.m. with MPs and other invited guests to assess how best to deal with the Carillion culture of corporate bullying and racism.

Paul Maloney GMB Regional Secretary said, “Carillion’s own investigation, forced on it by GMB members taking strike action, found that there was evidence of shakedowns and corruptions by their managers demanding ‘gold for employment rights’.

This same investigation failed to conclude that this corruption had been covered up for years although there are buckets of evidence to that it has been.  Instead Carillion intends to discipline the victims of corruption in the company. This will not be tolerated by GMB and that is why this further day of strike action is taking place.

This is the same Carillion who used their blacklist nearly 15,000 times to deny workers employment. GMB has identified 224 workers whom Carillion blacklisted. They have failed to apologise or to compensate any of them.

This is the same Carillion that have public sector contracts valued at more than £15 billion in the UK but seem to think that it does not need to meet the standards of behaviour that are acceptable to the public to be awarded these contracts.

At the public meeting in the House of Commons this evening GMB will call on MPs to support the demand that until blacklisting companies like Carillion apologise and compensate victims who have fallen foul of their illegal activities and of racist behaviour Carillion should be boycotted from future contracts. Public sector bodies should not do business with companies that fail to deal with illegal corporate bullying and racism.

GMB will be campaigning for this in councils up and down the land wherever Carillion is seeking to win taxpayer funded contracts, some in cities like Liverpool where it has victimised dozens of local people searching for a job.”

GMB PUBLIC MEETING ABOUT CARILLION: HOUSE OF COMMONS, 10th JULY

Tuesday, 10th July, 6:00 pm to 7:00 pm.

Grand Commitee Room, House of Commons

speakers include

Chuka Umanna MP – Shadow Business Secretary
Kate Green MP – Shadow Women and Equalities
Iain Wright MP, Shadow Business Innovation and Skills (BIS)
Ian Murray MP, Shadow BIS Employwent Affairs
Dave Smith, construction worker blacklisted by Carillion
GMB campaigners from Swindon, in dispute with Carillion at the Great Western Hospital

A Summary of the dispute so far:

 150 workers, (mainly Asian women of Goan heritage); have been subjected to racial abuse, bullying, and extortion by their employer Carillion.

 They are employed as cleaners, catering workers and ancillary staff at The Great Western Hospital (GWH), Swindon and have already taken 20 days of strike action for dignity and respect.

 These workers are the back bone of the NHS – keeping wards clean, delivering meals – dedicated to their jobs which they take great personal pride in.

 Carillion managers at GWH and their Employee Committee are predominantly white.

Background

In summer 2011, the workers joined GMB making the Union aware of racial abuse, intimidation and harassment, as well as supervisors demanding money, gold and goods to secure employment, gain access to extended leave and overtime. (Extended leave is significant for workers who have family in other parts of the world.)

Some examples from the signed statements of Carillion Workers:

 The Senior Housekeeping Supervisor “asked her for £1000. The member told X that was too much and so X said she would accept £500.”
 Carillion Supervisor said – “Well, I am the manager and I can sack you and if you give me gold I will let you keep your job.”

Sequence of events

 Following a collective grievance, Carillion reluctantly conducted a first investigation and concluded that there was no case to answer on any point of any grievance.

 A second investigation took place, only after strike action by the workers. In the outcome Carillion accepted that extortion had taken place. Carillion told GMB they had “reluctantly accepted the resignation” of the Senior Supervisor at the centre of the shakedowns and extortion. However other perpetrators of racial abuse and extortion are still employed. Despite the allegations, evidence and investigation findings, nobody has ever been suspended and their presence continues to intimidate the workers.

Victimisation

 Carillion are now disciplining 10 of the whistle-blowers who bravely came forward to give evidence against supervisors, who had abused employees, extorted money and practiced racism.

 Confidence in Carillion management has broken down.

Blacklisting

The Information Commissioner has confirmed that 224 construction workers from around the UK were victims of blacklisting by Carillion and that the company has failed to apologise and compensate for this illegal activity.

Issues

 Racial harassment and bullying
 Victimisation
 Extortion and corruption
 Blacklisting
 GMB recognition

Going Forward

GMB has in place a legal, industrial and political strategy to ensure our members get justice. NB – Carillion are sub contractors to Semperian PPP, who owns the PFI contract at GWH. Carillion are taking over £15 billion of public money on public contracts like GWH.

For further information on the Carillion dispute, please see:
www.gmb.org.uk
 GMB report entitled “BLACKLISTING – illegal corporate bullying endemic, systemic and deep-rooted in Carillion and other companies”.

Carillion Managers Named and Shamed for Blacklisting

It is important to understand that the practice of providing and compiling evidence for an illegal blacklist that was then used to deny thousands of workers from gainful employment was not just a corporate malpractice. It require the active participation of individuals in the corporations, particularly from their HR departments.

Keith Ewing, professor of Public Law at King’s College, London, has described the blacklist as ‘the worst human rights abuse in relation to workers’ in the UK in 50 years.

As Pete Murray reports at Union News:

Anti-blacklisting campaigners have filed the first ever complaint of its kind to the professional body for HR officers.

The Blacklist Support Group, which lodged the complaint, accuses five individuals of serious professional misconduct of ‘actively participating’ in an illegal exercise to blacklist trade union activists in the construction industry.

It comes just days after the Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development adopted a new code of conduct for its members.

The complaint names two HR managers at Balfour Beatty, Gerry Harvey and Elaine Gallagher; as well as Carillion managers, Liz Keates and John Edwards; and a former head of HR at Sir Robert McAlpine, David Cochrane.

According to the Blacklist Support Group, the five ‘either attended meetings or covertly supplied personal data on trade union members to the secret blacklist which was used to systematically deny work to 3200 individuals.’

A GMB report published in June reveals that in a Carillion blacklisting case in Manchester Employment Tribunal in March 2012 (Case No 2405634/09) Mr Wainright an ex-Carillion HR manager said in his witness statement “In my opinion a blacklist is a list of people (held by a third party or exchanged between companies) that a company or group of companies would not employ for reasons that they cannot legal or lawfully keep on their personnel files, databases or records. I first became aware of blacklisting in 1997 when I was employed by Carillion Plc. I was told by Mr Gorman, Crown House HR manager that Carillion used the services of an external consultant called Ian Kerr to ensure that certain workers did not gain employment on their projects. Mr Gorman went on to explain that Mr Kerr provided this service to a number of other high profile companies and had collated a list of names from each of these companies over a period with a view to ensuring that those on the lists did not gain employment with other companies.”

Unions Together Protesting at Carillion

30 protesters were at the gates of Great Western Hospital yesterday, including a solidarity delegation of 12 UNITE shop stewards, protesting against Carillion taking disciplinary action against ten workers who bravely gave evidence of the system of some supervisors demanding cash of goods in exchange for holiday approvals, overtime or shift chnages.

Progress – the Party Within the Party – Are an Obstacle to Labour Victory

I have certainly had a busy week at GMB Congress in Brighton, with not only the usual hectic conference schedule, but also a series of meetings with activists and officials within the union to plan the next steps in our industrial action against Carillion.

In addition, on Monday I moved a motion from Southern Region committing GMB to opposing the influence of the shadowy organisation with the Labour Party known as Progress.

This motion had been submitted after a vote from the Wiltshire and Swindon branch of GMB, it was supported by the Central Executive Council, and was passed unanimously at Congress. GMB in fact moved a similarly worded motion through Yorkshire Regional TUC, supported by UNISON, a few months ago; and UCATT conference also passed a motion critical of Progress.

Progress has since issued a rebuttal statement, which is ably responded to by Jon Lansman over at Left Futures.

However, the tone of the response by the Labour Right has been set by Luke Akehurst over at Labour List. (We should acknowledge that Luke is more closely aligned with the Labour First group, rather than Progress. Labour First might be described as representative of the traditional right within the party, who value the connection with the trade unions, while adopting a “moderate” stance on policy.)

Luke plays the red-scare card about my personal political history. Perhaps Luke should reflect on that a bit more. Labour lost 5 million votes between 1997 and 2010, and we lost the 2010 election. The factors which placed me outside the Labour Party were two-fold: firstly my main political interest from 2001 was in opposing the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, both of which conflicts have been proven disastrous; and secondly, the control freakery of the Blair era sought to actively discourage activists like myself from being involved.

When Luke lectures me about the need to defend inclusivity in the Labour Party, perhaps he should consider some of his own former statements. For example:

I actually think Progress should be engaged in a branch-by-branch, CLP-by-CLP battle to expose the weaknesses in Compass’ analysis and marginalise them as an organisation. It’s bad enough that some Government Ministers are giving credibility to this pernicious and subversive grouping by speaking at its event, let alone that the people who ought to be fighting them are publicising it. I really take a strong objection to Compass’ constant undermining of the party and in particular the Prime Minister and think that all right-thinking people in the party should have absolutely nothing to do with them.

Pot? Kettle?

In fact, like thousands of other people, I simply couldn’t bring myself to join the Labour Party when Tony Blair was leader. Although I did not rejoin the party until 2010, this website, www.socialistunity.com, had argued support of Gordon Brown, and for a Labour victory long before then, and in 2010 I signed the nomination papers for my sitting Labour MP, Anne Snelgrove, as her proposer; and I worked hard in that election to get out the Labour vote in Swindon, including mobilising activists from my GMB branch.

While it would be disingenuous for me to argue that my political past is typical, I am nevertheless perhaps representative of one of the strands of opinion that the Labour party needs to reconnect with if we are to win future elections. Furthermore, the Labour Party has traditionally played the gatekeeper role of encouraging those with a radical political past into the mainstream; which has provided a healthy synthesis of idealism and energy on the one hand, with the realism and experience of the mechanisms of power on the other.

Labour is a coalitional party, but it is also a reforming party that seeks to build a better, more just and more harmonious society. We need to ensure that the spectrum of opinion we appeal to is broad enough win elections, but we must also have policies that are not only pragmatic but transformational. Not just seeking to make minor adjustments and manage the status quo, but to boldly restructure our society where necessary to improve the lives of all citizens, but particularly to protect and advance the interest of the disadvantaged, the hard-working, and the under-rewarded.

In the face of economic crisis we need to empathise with the sense of economic insecurity that affects both working class and many professional and middle class citizens; and we need to offer the prospect of economic recovery, and a safety net for those in need. This cannot be done by emphasising minor differences with Tory policies, but only by proposing our own agenda for growth, jobs and social justice.

The policy horizons of Progress are too timid, and too trapped in the past, and they resist the type of bold thinking we need. Remember that the ground-breaking adoption of Keynesianism into the party came from the unlikely alliance of the moderate Ernest Bevin and the firebrand AJ Cook – had Progress been around at the time no doubt they would have opposed such radicalism.

Let us also reject the victim complex, and lurid fantasies of purges and expulsions from Luke and his co-thinkers. I believe that the ideas of Progress are wrong, but I want the opportunity for the trade unions and the centre-left to prevail against them on an even playing field. The problem with Progress is their excessive funding, their secrecy, and their sometimes destabilising behaviour.

What I want is for Labour to win the next election, and to win it by reinvigorating its connection with the aspirations of working people, with progressive intellectuals and that part of the managerial and professional classes who have a social conscience. Of course there should be no going back to the politics of 1974 nor 1983; but equally there should be no going back to the politics of 1997, of wheezes, spin and triangulation. Things have changed since then, and in so far as Progress is an obstacle to recognising the need for Labour to change accordingly then they need to be opposed. They have a disproportionate grip on the party organisation, and this also needs to be addressed.

The funny thing is, at one level Luke knows this. He supported Ed Miliband and Ian McNichol. Progress supported neither of them. Ed and Iain are a winning team, but we need to grasp the opportunities that their leadership presents.

Luke needs to be a little less paranoid, and to realise that there is a sensible pragmaitic left who want a genuine debate about policy, but that also recognises the need to have sufficiently broad appeal to win elections; and not only to win in the heartlands, but also in the swing marginals.

The truth is that Progress is probably a paper tiger. Many people seeking a political career have loosely aligned to them in the hope of patronage and support, in the same carpetbagger way that careerists seek to love up to the unions when it suits them. If open support from Progress becomes seen as a career liability, then their influence will wane.

What we need is the wisdom to look beyond the tired rhetoric of left and right, that Luke Akehurst seems so addicted to, and for us to work together to make the changes in the party necessary to give influence back to the members; to draw up not only a vision for a better future, but the detailed policy tasks that can make it happen; and then to build an election winning coalition, broad enough to take on and defeat the Conservatives and their Lib Dem allies.

See my website: Vote Labour

Hollande, and the French Economy. Part One

This is an unfinished article, because the demands of working for a one day strike by Carillion staff at the Great Western Hospital in Swindon today left me insufficient time to complete it. I will publish the second half in the next few days.

Enthusiasm for François Hollande’s new government in France is understandable, as it provides a popular mandate for an economic alternative to austerity, and a programme for economic growth. As Trevor Martin exhorts in his recent Tribune article “Let us follow where Hollande leads

Michael Meacher sketches an outline of what Hollande’s policies would mean translated into British terms:

it requires a National Infrastructure Bank to launch a big increase in capital investment including for house-building, a revival of the role of the State in reversing the vicious spiral of economic decline, and a major rebalancing of the economy from an over-cossetted banking system to a lean and hungry manufacturing industry.

However, it is important to understand that Hollande’s project is also to restructure the French economy. Jeremy Cliffe explains:

international commentators have largely overlooked his longer-term vision for the French economy.

Thus it may surprise many to learn that the Socialist programme pledges to both decentralise and shrink state spending year-on-year, cut corporate taxation for companies that reinvest profits, establish both a national investment bank and an industrial savings bank devoted to small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs), establish a ‘pact of trust’ binding employers, unions, banks and local authorities in a consensus-based system of co-production, lower VAT and introduce full proportional representation in time for the 2017 election.

What is more, Hollande was as good as endorsed by the national association of SMEs (CGPME), which praised his commitment to enterprise, explicitly noting the contrast to 1981. Unlike the 2007 Socialist candidate, Ségolène Royal, he met repeatedly with the national employers association (AFEP). He promises to put employees (or their representatives) on the boards of directors and supervisory boards of all companies with over 1,000 workers, and to write into the constitution an obligation to consult all relevant social partners before a given government or private bill goes through the legislature.

To understand this programme we need to understand the specifically French context, and how social-democracy in France has experienced a distinctively different history from British labourism.

While it is appropriate and necessary for the Labour Party to develop a credible anti-austerity policy for jobs and growth, this must reflect our own British conditions, and we should not be distracted by particularities of Hollande’s government that do not apply to us.

The state plays, and has played a much greater role in the French economy than in Britain. Charles de Gaulle’s 1945 government, which included the socialist and communist parties, not only nationalized the banks, coal mines, insurance companies, electrical and gas companies, Air France, and Renault Auto but they also instituted a regime of government planning.

Jean Monnet drew up a set of goals in 1945 of what the French economy should accomplish by 1950. In addition to achieving target outputs Monnet called for the modernization of French industry. Monnet noted that the French Government did not have the resources to reconstruct all of the French economy so he called for the public investment in key economic sectors. These key sectors included the transportation system, coal, electricity, steel and agricultural mechanization. Later fuel and fertilizers were added to the list. Monnet’s formulation, extended to 1952, became known at the Monnet Plan.
In each key sector under the Plan the details of the planning were left to the modernization committees made up of representatives of the Planning Commission, the major firms in the sectors, public enterprises and unions, and technical experts.

These committees did not have the power to enforce their decisions, compliance was voluntary. This process came to be known as indicative planning.

A series of five plans were implemented successfully through to 1970. In his 1975 book, the Socialist Challenge, Stuart Holland described the necessary conditions which allowed the French planning system to succeed.

Significantly, it emerged from a long standing French tradition of state involvement in the economy; but also the immediate post-war period the economy was constrained by supply side problems, not demand; which gave enormous confidence to investors anticipating growth. Government departments also had real powers of disposal of capital and technological resources, which made the private sector very responsive to government priorities. Reconstruction also meant that planning could occur based upon highly incomplete data, as various industrial sectors intuitively restored their pre-war capacity.

In addition, the purge of Vichy collaborators opened up the civil service for a wave of new blood, the most talented of whom were cherry picked for the elite Ecole Normal d’Administration, where the ideology and methods of planning were taught. These young men achieved high civil service office very early in their careers, and a high proportion were then recruited by industry. This meant that there was a horizontal layer of networked civil servants and senior managers in industry committed to shared objectives. Furthermore, the rivalry between government departments was minimised through centralisation, in British terms this would be equivalent of the Department of Business Innovation and Skills being part of the Treasury.

(A descriptive account of analogous processes of indicative planning in South Korea and Taiwan is included in Nigel Harris’s “The End of the Third World”)

In contrast, the brief flirtation with indicative planning by the British Labour Party inspired by the economist Thomas Balogh, special advisor to Harold Wilson, was abandoned after 1964 when it became clear that the economic preconditions for success were absent. Indicative planning can succeed in conditions of economic confidence, which of course it can help to sustain, but it cannot reverse an unwillingness of the private sector to invest.

Generally the French post-war experience created a specific state-capitalist mode of capitalist development, distinct from the Anglo-Saxon or Teutonic models.

Vivien Schmidt describes the three models as follows:

Government policies differed widely among European countries in the post-war period.

Market capitalist Britain’s liberal or ‘spectator’ state generally had arm’s length relations with business (Grant 1995). It sought to limit its role to arbitrating among economic actors while leaving the administration of the rules to self-governing bodies, although this did not stop it from providing aid to industry on an ad hoc basis and intermittently intervening through planning experiments, nationalized industries or government sanctioned, privately regulated cartels (Shonfield 1965).

Managed capitalist Germany’s ‘enabling’ state was instead focused on facilitating business activities through more targeted aid to industry by way of regionally provided subsidies and loans, support for research and development, as well as education, apprenticeship and training programmes, while often leaving the rules to be jointly administered by economic actors (Katzenstein 1989).

State capitalist France’s dirigiste or interventionist state, by contrast, sought to direct economic activities through planning, industrial policy and state-owned enterprises, in addition to all the ways the other states promoted business, while it administered the rules itself, as often as not through the derogation of the rules in favour of business (Hayward 1973; Hall 1986; Schmidt 1996).

Furthermore, state intervention in the economy has generally been a much less politically polarised issue in France, enjoying support not only from the left, but also parts of the traditional Gaullist right, and indeed from the far-right.

So Hollande’s government is dealing with a distinct national context of capitalist development, but to understand his programme it is also necessary to understand the specifically French experience of social democracy.

The second part of this article will deal with the experience and legacy of the MItterand government, and the different strategic tasks facing French and British social-democracy, which provide the limits to which the Labour Party can emulate Hollande’s programme.